prime minister – Congres IPS http://congresips.com/ Wed, 16 Mar 2022 16:46:36 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.9 https://congresips.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/default-120x120.png prime minister – Congres IPS http://congresips.com/ 32 32 Don’t Give Soldiers ‘One Rank, One Pension’ Betrayal: Congress https://congresips.com/dont-give-soldiers-one-rank-one-pension-betrayal-congress/ Wed, 16 Mar 2022 16:46:36 +0000 https://congresips.com/dont-give-soldiers-one-rank-one-pension-betrayal-congress/ Congress said Wednesday that the Supreme Court’s ruling denying the former servicemen’s request for “one rank, one pension” was “inappropriate” and accused the Center of not presenting all the facts in court. Congress General Secretary and Chief Party Spokesman Randeep Surjewala says that by denying ”One Rank, One Pension” the BJP government has betrayed the […]]]>

Congress said Wednesday that the Supreme Court’s ruling denying the former servicemen’s request for “one rank, one pension” was “inappropriate” and accused the Center of not presenting all the facts in court.

Congress General Secretary and Chief Party Spokesman Randeep Surjewala says that by denying ”One Rank, One Pension” the BJP government has betrayed the interests of more than 30 lakh ex-servicemen and asked a series of seven questions about why he denied them this benefit.

He said that while the BJP seeks votes in the name of sacrifice and valor of the soldiers, when it comes to giving them OROP, it denies them the benefit.

He alleged that instead of “one rank, one pension”, the government gave “one rank, five pensions” to ex-servicemen.

”The BJP and the Modi government are demanding votes in the name of soldiers’ bravery and sacrifice, but are fighting ‘One rank, one pension’ in court. Not only that, this right of OROP over them was rejected by Modi government after they told the Supreme Court that it was a political decision and not their legal right,’ Surjewala told reporters. reporters here.

”The Supreme Court’s verdict is not appropriate because it is not based on facts. This Supreme Court decision goes against the interests of more than 30 lakh former soldiers of the three armies.

”We call on the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense and the government to implement without delay ‘One rank, one pension’ as approved by the UPA government on February 26 and April 24, 2014. The victories Elections in a democracy are supposed to keep promises, so as not to break the trust of soldiers and ex-servicemen,” he said.

Surjewala said the Supreme Court’s verdict came after the Center opposed OROP and argued that it was a political decision, which the court cannot decide.

He said the soldiers’ sacrifices are sacrosanct for the 140 crore Indians, but it is the bitter truth that Modi and the ruling BJP have been trying to make political capital out of it.

”Why is it that when it comes to taking credit for their sacrifice and therefore garnering votes, the Modi government is at the forefront, but when it comes to give relief and ‘One Rank, One Pension’ to our soldiers and ex-servicemen, he is obstructing the Supreme Court by telling the Supreme Court that is not their right?’” Surjewala asked.

He said according to the BJP, ”One Rank, One Pension” is not the right of ex-servicemen as it will have financial implications.

The Congress leader said that the UPA government had approved the OROP for the soldiers, but the Modi government had not implemented it in the same spirit.

“Is depriving more than 30 lakh ex-servicemen of ‘One Rank, One Pension’ not a betrayal of the country’s armed forces? What is the reason why the Modi government opposed OROP in the Supreme Court? Why is the government refusing to implement the UPA decisions on OROP taken on February 26, 2014 and April 24, 2014?” he asked.

“What is the reason why, despite the clear decisions of the UPA to implement the OROP, the Modi government refuses to accept them? asked Surjewala.

(This story has not been edited by the Devdiscourse team and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)


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Congress will soon be ‘eliminated’ from India: Yediyurappa https://congresips.com/congress-will-soon-be-eliminated-from-india-yediyurappa/ Thu, 10 Mar 2022 16:34:26 +0000 https://congresips.com/congress-will-soon-be-eliminated-from-india-yediyurappa/ BJP leader BS Yediyurappa said on Thursday that after its rout in parliamentary elections in five states, the Congress party would soon be wiped out of the country. Speaking to reporters here, the BJP stalwart said: “Of the five states where elections were held, Congress was only in power in Punjab. There too, they lost […]]]>

BJP leader BS Yediyurappa said on Thursday that after its rout in parliamentary elections in five states, the Congress party would soon be wiped out of the country.

Speaking to reporters here, the BJP stalwart said: “Of the five states where elections were held, Congress was only in power in Punjab. There too, they lost their ground. This indicates that the Congress will soon be wiped out of the country.” Taking a thumbs up from Congress State Speaker DK Shivakumar who was a special election observer for the party in Goa, Yediyurappa said the Congress leader delegate to the neighboring state to prevent poaching shows the bad situation Congress finds itself in.

According to him, the results were in the expected lines and the BJP kept the states, where it was in power.

People in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa expressed their solidarity with the BJP, the senior BJP official said, adding that the results indicated that the people of the country had accepted the leadership of the Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Congratulating Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah and JP National Party Chairman Nadda, Yediyurappa thanked the people of the five states for continuing to support the BJP. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s development work and his lash against anti-social elements and the mafia helped him win elections for the second time, he claimed.

(This story has not been edited by the Devdiscourse team and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)


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Nephew of Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad joins BJP in Jammu https://congresips.com/nephew-of-congress-leader-ghulam-nabi-azad-joins-bjp-in-jammu/ Sun, 27 Feb 2022 10:19:12 +0000 https://congresips.com/nephew-of-congress-leader-ghulam-nabi-azad-joins-bjp-in-jammu/ Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad’s nephew Mubashir Azad joined the BJP on Sunday and said he was “influenced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s development work on the ground”. Mubashir Azad, the son of Ghulam Nabi Azad’s youngest brother, Liaqat Ali, also said his uncle was “disrespected” by the Congress leadership, which hurt his feelings and […]]]>

Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad’s nephew Mubashir Azad joined the BJP on Sunday and said he was “influenced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s development work on the ground”.

Mubashir Azad, the son of Ghulam Nabi Azad’s youngest brother, Liaqat Ali, also said his uncle was “disrespected” by the Congress leadership, which hurt his feelings and led him to part ways with the big old party.

He however claimed that he did not discuss the plan to join the BJP with his uncle. Mubashir Azad and his supporters were welcomed into the party fold by Jammu and Kashmir BJP President Ravinder Raina and other senior leaders including former MP Daleep Singh Parihar. His joining the Saffron Party was described by Raina as a “turning point” that will pave the way for more young activists from Doda, Kishtwar and Ramban districts of the Chenab Valley region to join the party. “The BJP is growing rapidly with the membership of political leaders from opposition parties, social workers from all communities, be they Hindus, Muslims, Gujjars, Bakarwals and Paharis,” he said. In April 2009, Azad’s brother Ghulam Ali also joined the BJP.

Mubashir Azad said: ”The (Congress) party is marred by infighting…while under Modi’s leadership the work for the welfare of the people is being done on the ground.” ”The way whose Congress dealt with (Ghulam Nabi) Azad, one of the charismatic leaders of the party and former chief minister, hurt the feelings of the popular masses. “He was praised by the prime minister for his service to the nation but was sidelined by the party,” Mubashir said.

Azad was part of the G-23, a group of dissident congressional leaders who wrote to party chairwoman Sonia Gandhi in August 2020 demanding an organizational overhaul.

(This story has not been edited by the Devdiscourse team and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)


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Elections 2022: Indian politics could enter a turbulent phase after March 10 https://congresips.com/elections-2022-indian-politics-could-enter-a-turbulent-phase-after-march-10/ Fri, 25 Feb 2022 04:45:26 +0000 https://congresips.com/elections-2022-indian-politics-could-enter-a-turbulent-phase-after-march-10/ It is fascinating to see that the short-term fate of the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party is closely tied to Punjab, India. Of the five states that recently went to the polls, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab are likely to profoundly influence national politics. Goa, Manipur, UP, Punjab and Uttarakhand elections have 690 assembly seats […]]]>

It is fascinating to see that the short-term fate of the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party is closely tied to Punjab, India.

Of the five states that recently went to the polls, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab are likely to profoundly influence national politics.

Goa, Manipur, UP, Punjab and Uttarakhand elections have 690 assembly seats and 115 Lok Sabha seats, but Uttar Pradesh’s 403 seats and Punjab’s 117 seats will affect national politics.

From the micro and macro developments within UP and Punjab, it looks like India is poised for a period of political turbulence until the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

There are four possible scenarios here among other possibilities:

1) What if Congress loses Punjab? 2) What happens if the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) largely wins Punjab? 3) What if BJP loses UP? 4) What happens if BJP retains power in UP?

UP has 80 Lok Sabha seats, so it’s obviously the biggest of the five states going to the polls, but what’s happening in Punjab, which has 13 Lok Sabha seats, is intriguing.

If the Congress loses Punjab, the party will implode internally and the Nehru-Gandhi family will be forced into a merciless battle for survival. The Congressional rebel group, the G-23, will also be reactivated after the March 10 results.

More importantly, Congress would lose its bargaining power in any post-election opposition politics.

Right now most analysts think there is a “protest vote” in Punjab and people want to get rid of the tried and tested Congress and Akali Dal.

The rise of the AAP

There is a kind of political demand from voters to provide decent services – be it hospitals, schools and civic services without corruption. This is central to the rise of the AAP in the state. Not to mention that in Punjab, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s approval rating is low and has not helped his party’s electoral fortunes at all. This is an added advantage for the AAP newcomer.

Arvind Kejriwal is a bush shirt-wearing politician who likes the image of an uncorrupted ordinary man.

For such a leader, capturing the imagination of voters in a culturally rich and religiously significant state is a political turning point. It will be a stunning revolutionary success even if the AAP emerges as a single party but without a simple majority.

Punjabi food habits, dress sense and music influence traditional India. Imagine how enormous the accumulated frustration of these unruly peoples must be to reject parties that have a long history of religion-related politics.

Since the birth of Punjab in 1966, the religious significance of Sikhism has been central to state policy. The victory of the AAP will change this fundamental of politics.

In such a unique state, the emergence of the AAP is an amazing proof of the churning that is going on in India. AAP founder and leader Arvind Kejriwal built his goodwill by effectively managing urban civic services in New Delhi and generously defeating the BJP twice – against all odds. Should the AAP win Punjab, it would continually be at odds with the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government.

Kejriwal never had a full state under him. But, with the politically strained state of Delhi-adjacent Punjab under his rule, he can nudge Modi and the BJP on a daily basis.

Kejriwal style politics will also be reflected in other states including Gujarat.

On the one hand, a victorious Kejriwal will hit Mamata’s outlook and position on the anti-BJP front and also hurt Congress in BJP-led states.

BJP Standard Rulebook

However, members of Congress are hopeful of retaining the state as vote percentages have been lower than expected and they also expect ‘vote shifting’ from other parties who want to stop the AAP from taking the power.

For the BJP’s ‘nuisance value’ against Kejriwal is less worrisome than the default advantage of having Congress as the main rival in a general election.

If the Congress loses Punjab and Uttarakhand and fails to win even 10 UP seats, then Sharad Pawar, Mamata Bannerji, MP Stalin, Uddhav Thackeray, leftist parties, Tejaswi Yadav and Akhilesh Yadav could stand come together to ensure that Congress is reduced to its size.

If Congress does not lead the united opposition’s anti-BJP force, it will be difficult for the BJP to continue with its standard rulebook on saffron politics and political campaigns based on Hindu identity. Because once the regional forces are energized, each Lok Sabha headquarters will acquire its own caste-based agenda and fights.

Mayawati of UP, Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik of Orissa and CM YS Jagan Mohan Reddy of Andhra Pradesh may not join the anti-BJP front before the 2024 elections, but after March 10 he there will be rapid developments if the Congress loses Punjab and behaves unimpressively. elsewhere.

In UP, although there is no strong wave, it is clear that a bipolar contest is taking place between SP and BJP. The two sides are engaged in a fierce battle over each seat, with the BJP having an advantage in Purvanchal. But it is very visible that the BJP is nervous and walking a tightrope.

If the BJP loses Uttar Pradesh, Congress and the rest of the opposition can rejoice as it will give them a huge psychological advantage. In the long run, this will make their fight harder with the BJP elevating Hindu identity politics to a new level.

Also, it will force the ruling party to rethink delivery and gaps in deliverables.

If the BJP wins UP then it is likely to be more haughty in its pursuit of power and will soon turn to Maharashtra and other states where it is weakened or weakened or in southern states which are not traditionally BJP states.

Postscript: In case the Congress wins Punjab and the BJP wins UP, the Safran Party would feel more secure for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.


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Perception vs Reality in Politics (Part 1) https://congresips.com/perception-vs-reality-in-politics-part-1/ Mon, 14 Feb 2022 06:09:50 +0000 https://congresips.com/perception-vs-reality-in-politics-part-1/ Love it or hate it, BJP is here to stay. Currently, it is the only political party that has the ability to form a central government on its own. The next candidate, Congress, has a very disparaging record of winning only 44 seats in 2014 and 53 in 2019. In both cases, he was below […]]]>

Love it or hate it, BJP is here to stay. Currently, it is the only political party that has the ability to form a central government on its own. The next candidate, Congress, has a very disparaging record of winning only 44 seats in 2014 and 53 in 2019. In both cases, he was below the 10% mark required for his leader at home be designated as Leader of the Opposition (LOP).

The situation is unlikely to change drastically in 2024. The BJP currently has 303 seats of its own and this number increases to 353 with the support of its allies. Perhaps the only change that might happen in 2024 is that a few regional parties might gain a few more seats at the expense of the BJP and Congress. In the worst case scenario, the BJP may not win a majority on its own. However, the odds remain in favor of the formation of a government by the NDA (BJP plus allies) in 2024. The opposition, fragmented as it is today, will continue to remain so. The likelihood of a single opposition party returning with a significant number that gives it the leadership role and its leader LOP status remains bleak.

Does the nation like the BJP? A significant percentage of the nation’s voters love the party, otherwise it wouldn’t have been in power. The majority of these voters belong to the northern, central, western and northeastern regions. In the South, the BJP only has a strong presence in Karnataka. These voters appreciate and recognize the work done by the BJP government and support it unequivocally. They do not blame the government for the increase in communal tensions. Instead, they believe the fears of the Muslim community are ill-founded and instilled by the opposition, community leaders and clerics as part of vote-banking politics. They credit the government with failing to follow minority appeasement policies that have plagued the nation for decades. They proudly support the government on issues such as the NRC, CAA, Sections 370 and 35A and its policies on Pakistan and China. They believe that the BJP provides a strong government that wants to transform India into a powerful, developed and self-sufficient nation.

Does any part of the nation hate the BJP? There is a reasonable proportion of voters who hate the party. Over the past eight years, BJP hatred has become part of their DNA. So regardless of what the government does, they continue to hate it. This group includes three main subgroups. Topping the list are opposition, Congress-led political parties that celebrated for decades after independence and are now struggling to remain relevant, especially at the national level. Next comes the small group of leftists, leftist intellectuals, socialists, dollar-loving activists, pseudo-secularists and liberals. They were the “think tanks” of Congress and other governments in the past, but find no credence with the government today. A large percentage of the strong Muslim community of 200 million, which has lived and prospered with Hindus for generations, forms the last part of this group. They seem to have suddenly developed a fear of Hindus and Hinduism over the past few years. The sole objective of this hate group is to remove Mr. Modi and the BJP from power, but they have no idea how to do it. As a group, they oppose the NRC, the CAA, the repeal of Sections 370 and 35A, and government policies on Pakistan and China.

Finally, there is a reasonable percentage, especially among educated urban and semi-urban young voters, who have a love-hate relationship with the BJP. Some of them vote for the BJP, some don’t. Many of them could easily switch loyalties if another viable political option were available. They like the good work done by the government in different areas, but tend to take it for granted. They like the way the government is standing up to China and Pakistan, but are reluctant to support it. As a group, they blame, if not hate, the government for the increase in communal tensions while neglecting the roles played by the opposition and the Muslim community itself. Many of them fall into the trap of hating BJP because it looks trendy. The majority of them are self-centered and see the CAA, NRC, and the repeal of Sections 370 and 35A as unnecessary obstacles in their quest to pursue higher education, work, and life.

In Indian politics, more often than not, the voter votes for the party and not for the candidate. For many, the local candidate is an unknown commodity. Voter outreach is limited to a few senior and more visible party leaders. In most cases, parties only announce their candidate for a constituency a few weeks before the election. Sometimes some may even be strangers. Thus, in most cases, the voter does not have time to know his candidate and vice versa. Therefore, it is the party and its senior leadership that influence the voter’s choice. This in turn means that the perception of the party and its senior leadership is of the utmost importance. The BJP’s last two victories at the national level, as in many states, are largely the result of this logic. Another example is the success of the Aam Admi party in the local elections in Delhi.

Unfortunately for the nation, Congress and other opposition parties do not have that luxury, especially at the national level. This has resulted in the absence of a viable opposition that can challenge the BJP. An alternative comprising a coalition of like-minded parties is always an option. However, for this to become a reality, the main instigator must be a party with a significant national footprint, a clear national vision, acceptable leadership and an ability to win at least 20-25% of the seats. This translates to at least 100 seats in Lok Sabha. Currently, that seems like a tall order, even for the Congress party that has ruled the nation for more than 60 years since independence. Any coalition of a dozen parties (and almost half the number of candidates for the prime minister’s chair) without such a prime mover can only be a recipe for disaster. Unfortunately, this is the harsh reality of Indian politics today.

In such a political environment, the BJP must realize that domestically it can play long and uninterrupted innings if it plays its cards right. The most critical map is the perception map. It’s time for BJP to do some serious reality checking and work to develop a more positive perception, especially among those who want to believe it but are reluctant to do so. Some of the key areas to address in this regard are discussed in the following paragraphs.



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Congress believes in vendetta politics: Himachal CM Jai Ram Thakur : The Tribune India https://congresips.com/congress-believes-in-vendetta-politics-himachal-cm-jai-ram-thakur-the-tribune-india/ Fri, 11 Feb 2022 02:50:00 +0000 https://congresips.com/congress-believes-in-vendetta-politics-himachal-cm-jai-ram-thakur-the-tribune-india/ Tribune press service Anandpur Sahib/Hoshiarpur, 10 February Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur said today that Congress will have to “pay the price for compromising” Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s security during his January 5 visit to Ferozepur, not only in Punjab but all over the country. Thakur, who was in Anandpur Sahib […]]]>


Tribune press service

Anandpur Sahib/Hoshiarpur, 10 February

Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur said today that Congress will have to “pay the price for compromising” Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s security during his January 5 visit to Ferozepur, not only in Punjab but all over the country.

Thakur, who was in Anandpur Sahib campaigning for BJP candidate Dr Pariminder Sharma, alleged that the Congress believed in vendetta politics. He also addressed rallies in Garhshankar and Dasuya of Hoshiarpur district in support of party candidates.

Blaming the Congress government for the drug threat, he said he ignored the state’s youth as a result of which they fell prey to narcotics.

Taking on the AAP, the HP CM said Arvind Kejriwal’s claims about development in Delhi were misleading. He said AAP leaders should visit Himachal to witness the “real” development.

He also announced that a memorandum of understanding for a ropeway from Anandpur Sahib to Naina Devi has already been signed and works will start soon.

Addressing a rally in Binewal Jhungian in support of Garhshankar candidate Nimisha Mehta, he claimed that if people want to make Punjab drug-free, the BJP-led alliance must take power. He said a four-lane road network would be set up between Anandpur Sahib and Naina Devi. —

#jai ram thakur


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Watch how politics has played out in Uttar Pradesh since it was first elected 70 years ago https://congresips.com/watch-how-politics-has-played-out-in-uttar-pradesh-since-it-was-first-elected-70-years-ago/ Thu, 10 Feb 2022 04:47:33 +0000 https://congresips.com/watch-how-politics-has-played-out-in-uttar-pradesh-since-it-was-first-elected-70-years-ago/ Since 1952, the state of Uttar Pradesh has seen only three chief ministers – Yogi Adityanath, Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati – complete their terms. As Uttar Pradesh heads to the polls in the first of seven-stage elections, it is also celebrating a milestone in India’s electoral history. The first phase of the UP elections coincides […]]]>

Since 1952, the state of Uttar Pradesh has seen only three chief ministers – Yogi Adityanath, Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati – complete their terms.

As Uttar Pradesh heads to the polls in the first of seven-stage elections, it is also celebrating a milestone in India’s electoral history.

The first phase of the UP elections coincides with the 70th anniversary of the Legislative Assembly elections.

  • Follow all the 2022 UP Assembly Election Live Updates HERE

According to the Electoral Commission, the first UP Assembly election was held on March 28, 1952, a day after Punjab held polls on March 27.

Review how UP voters voted from 1952 to 2017.

2017: The election for the 17th Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh was held from February 11 to March 8, 2017 in seven phases. This election saw a turnout of 61.04% compared to 59.4% in the previous election.

The BJP won the election by a landslide, securing a total of 312 seats. The alliance, in total, won 325 seats.

The alliance included Apna Dal (Sonelal) led by Anupriya Patel and the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj party led by Om Prakash Rajbhar. Apna Dal won nine seats and SBSP four.

These polls proved disastrous for the Samajwadi party led by Akhilesh Yadav, as it was only able to win 47 of the total 403 seats. The SP and Congress had contested the election together and the alliance only won a total of 54 seats, meaning Congress was nearly wiped out and only won seven seats.

Meanwhile, Mayawati’s BSP only won 19 seats in the 2017 polls, while RLD could barely open its account by winning a single seat in the last election.

2012: The Samajwadi party ousted the Bahujan Samaj party from power in Uttar Pradesh in assembly elections in 2017. The Samajwadi party won 224 out of 403 seats in that election, while the BSP, which was the incumbent party , won only 80 seats.

On the other hand, the BJP got only 15% of the total votes cast, dropping from 32.51% in the 1996 Assembly polls to 20.12% in the 2002 Assembly polls. 16.97% of the vote in the 2007 Assembly polls.

The BJP, which won 47 seats in the election, also lost four seats from its last tally of 51 seats in 2007, down from 88 in the 2002 Assembly polls.

2007: The election held this year was significant for many reasons. It was the first time that an elected prime minister could complete his term. BSP’s performance under Mayawati even exceeded what exit polls had suggested. The party was able to snatch an absolute majority of 206 seats out of a total of 403 in the Assembly.
The SP, BJP and Congress were only able to win 97, 51 and 22 seats respectively.

2002: The 2002 elections took place after a period of 56 days of the President’s rule from March 3 to May 2, 2002. On August 29, Mulayam Singh Yadav of the Samajwadi party was sworn in as Chief Minister with the support of dissidents from the BSP and led the government until 2007. .

1996-1987: Uttar Pradesh witnessed political upheavals during these years, with key ministers having to resign and even the imposition of president’s rule. Issues such as Mandal and Ayodhya Ram Mandir also arose during these years, having massive ramifications on state and national politics. It was during this period that Jagdambika Pal of Congress (he is now a BJP MP in the Lok Sabha) lasted only 48 hours.

1987-1980: In the run up to the 1989 elections, the UP saw six chief ministers. In the 1980 elections, Congress won 309 of 425 seats. Raja of Manda Vishwanath Pratap Singh has been appointed chief minister. The Raja of Manda, however, was only able to occupy the chair for a little over two years.

1980-1977: In 1977, after the emergency was withdrawn, new elections were held in Uttar Pradesh and the Janata Party, riding an anti-Indira Gandhi wave, won 352 of the 425 seats in the Assembly. Ram Naresh Yadav became chief minister in 1977, but was replaced by Banarasi Das within two years.

1977-1970: The Congress failed to win a majority in the 1967 elections and the UP saw an alliance government come to power, led by leader Jat Charan Singh of the Bharatiya Kranti Dal (BKD). The alliance included Jana Sangh, CPI(M), Republican Party of India, Swatantra Party and Socialist Praja Party, in addition to BKD and independents.

This government, however, lasted less than a year. New elections were held in 1969 after a year of presidential rule. Congress failed to gain a majority once again, but managed to form the government. He returned to power in 1974 with a majority.

The game of musical chairs, however, continued and UP saw six chief ministers and four periods of the president’s reign in eight years since 1969, the last two being the important years which saw the Indira Gandhi government at the Center impose emergency in the country.

1967-1952: Govind Ballabh Pant of Congress became Chief Minister after the 1957 elections but was replaced in 1960 by Chandra Bhanu Gupta.

Congress ruled the state for 15 years and the UP saw five chief ministers in that time. Among them was Sucheta Kriplani, India’s first female chief minister.

1952: It was at this time that the first Uttar Pradesh Assembly election was held and the Congress won 388 seats. Govind Ballabh Pant was sworn in as Chief Minister. But within three years Pant was incorporated into the Union Cabinet.

With contributions from agencies

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Sunil Jakhar ‘quit’ of politics, says MP Kanwar Sandhu ahead of Cong face reveal Punjab CM https://congresips.com/sunil-jakhar-quit-of-politics-says-mp-kanwar-sandhu-ahead-of-cong-face-reveal-punjab-cm/ Sun, 06 Feb 2022 06:04:36 +0000 https://congresips.com/sunil-jakhar-quit-of-politics-says-mp-kanwar-sandhu-ahead-of-cong-face-reveal-punjab-cm/ Read more party leader Rahul Gandhi in Ludhiana in the politically important Malwa region of the state. This would be Gandhi’s second visit to Punjab after assembly elections were announced. Punjab CM Charanjit Singh Channi had made the CM face announcement after speaking at a rally in Ropar on Thursday. “We assured that all party […]]]>

party leader Rahul Gandhi in Ludhiana in the politically important Malwa region of the state. This would be Gandhi’s second visit to Punjab after assembly elections were announced.

Punjab CM Charanjit Singh Channi had made the CM face announcement after speaking at a rally in Ropar on Thursday. “We assured that all party leaders would accept the will of the workers and the voters. We expect Rahul ji to make the announcement at Ludhiana on Sunday,” Channi said after being asked about CM’s face announcement.

We learn that Channi is becoming the favorite for the CM face. Meanwhile, Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is also expected to make her first visit to Punjab in the second week of this month.

During his recent visit, Rahul Gandhi announced that the party would seek answers from voters and workers to focus on candidate CM. Following this, pre-recorded messages via the Interactive Voice Response System (IVRS) were sent to mobile numbers of voters across the state. In addition, feedback was collected from party candidates, AICC coordinators and investigative teams spread across the 117 Assembly segments over the following week.

The party has already obtained more than 52,000 responses from voters through the IVRS system. Comments are also sought from workers and party leaders. Through the message, voters had three options – Charanjit Singh Channi, Navjot Singh Sidhu or no CM face.

Recently, former PPCC leader Sunil Jakhar also claimed he was the first choice of MPs after former Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh was asked to resign. Party insiders said Channi was the favorite for the job and in all likelihood his name would only be declared by Gandhi.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally in Goa virtually on Sunday, the BJP has announced. Modi will simultaneously address party workers and others in 20 North Goa District Assembly constituencies via video link at 4:30 p.m., a BJP statement said here. The Election Commission has currently banned large physical gatherings due to the coronavirus pandemic, but allowed smaller public meetings. The rally will be broadcast on LED screens in each of the 20 constituencies. At each location, around 500 people in addition to BJP leaders will be part of the rally, according to the statement.

Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant, Party Elections Officer Devendra Fadnavis, Goa Office Officer CT Ravi and State BJP Leader Sadanand Shet Tanawde will attend the location in Sawant constituency at Sankhalim. The arrangements have been made keeping in mind the Electoral Commission guidelines and COVID-19 standards, the statement said. Assembly elections will be held in the coastal state on February 14.

Meanwhile, Amit Shah will also address Baghpat residents of UP today.

Read all the latest news, breaking news and updates on coronavirus here.


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It’s arrogance combined with stupidity for Congress-Politics News, Firstpost https://congresips.com/its-arrogance-combined-with-stupidity-for-congress-politics-news-firstpost/ Thu, 03 Feb 2022 07:55:35 +0000 https://congresips.com/its-arrogance-combined-with-stupidity-for-congress-politics-news-firstpost/ Manmohan Singh’s government has in recent months scored many embarrassing personal goals on political and political fronts. Manmohan Singh’s government has in recent months scored many embarrassing personal goals on political and political fronts. He flip-flopped on rising gas prices; in April he aggressively opposed the Lokpal bill, but by August he had shamefully acquiesced; […]]]>

Manmohan Singh’s government has in recent months scored many embarrassing personal goals on political and political fronts.

Manmohan Singh’s government has in recent months scored many embarrassing personal goals on political and political fronts.

He flip-flopped on rising gas prices; in April he aggressively opposed the Lokpal bill, but by August he had shamefully acquiesced; he then hesitated on the questions of the inclusion of the Prime Minister and the employees of groups C and D in the final draft Lokpal law which will be presented to Parliament; and more recently unveiled its retail FDI policy with borderline arrogance, only to back down as, first the opposition, then its own ally in the form of Mamata Banerjee and the Trinamool Congress, howled in protest at the proposed plans.

What is common to all these fiascos is the astonishing confidence in the first steps of the Congress, as if the leaders of the party were absolutely certain that their opinion – and their will – would prevail. Then came rumors of a raid, met with instant denial. Then came the downhill or backtracking which, in any case, left them red-faced.

Why did Congress believe it had the support of the TMC on the issue of retail FDI?

One would assume that congressional leaders know the simple arithmetic and would have done their math before making a major announcement – ​​and that the answers suggest they would be in a position to prevail.

It is increasingly evident that arithmetic is their Achilles’ heel.

Floor management has never been more difficult than it is today. In the lok sabha, there are only two parties (Congress and BJP) with more than 22 seats. There are eight parties with between 10 and 22 seats. There are 10 other parties which have between 3 and 9 seats each. Finally, there are 19 parties with either one seat or two seats.

In the Rajya Sabha, things are worse. There are four parties that have between 13 and 70 seats. There are 10 parties that have more than four seats but less than 9 seats. Finally, there are 14 parties which have 1, 2, 3 or 4 seats each.

The UPA remains in power thanks to the support of parties like the Trinamool Congress; the Congress, with only 207 members in the Lok Sabha, needs the support of a minimum of 65 members to carry any proposal – and it is not easy. On the issue of retail FDIs, for example, when he lost the support of the TMC (18 members), he needed 36 more votes to get the vote through (unless, of course, Trinamool got out of hand). abstain and do not vote against the proposal).

In Rajya Sabha, where the Congress has only 70 seats (out of 241), things are even more difficult.

This is why one cannot understand the recent decisions of the leaders of Congress. Where the hell did they think the numbers would come from?

It is not necessary to answer the question if they believed the TMC would support the FDI Bill – which they did not.

So why did Congress believe he had the support of the TMC? Have its leaders spoken to Mamata’s henchmen? Did they even discuss the matter before making the announcement?

On every issue, there will be opposing views – and not just the opposition. UPA voters will always have ‘regional’ issues that could conflict with ‘central’ plans – because parties such as the DMK, TMC and NCP, for example, draw strength from small geographic areas where the constraints of provincial politics might force them to take a stand against a congressional position.

The only way for Congress to project itself as a decisive party is to be seen as getting things done. For this to happen, there is no simple and easy solution; there is only the painful path, which they have avoided: negotiations.

On every issue, Congress must remember that it is not leading the government, it is a coalition. The Congress will have to sell its philosophy to its “partners” and convince them of the merits of each proposal.

Failure to do so makes the task even more difficult: because then he has to catch the “games” with one or two members each and negotiate with each one.

The Congress must remember that arithmetic is of the utmost importance – to pass a proposal in the Lok Sabha it needs the support of 272 members. Get that number right and then worry about the rest. If you get that number wrong, as was the case with IDE policy, all it gets is embarrassment.


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BJP northeast test, politics on people’s issues https://congresips.com/bjp-northeast-test-politics-on-peoples-issues/ Fri, 28 Jan 2022 06:03:53 +0000 https://congresips.com/bjp-northeast-test-politics-on-peoples-issues/ Plagued by insurgency since gaining statehood 50 years ago, Manipur will go to the polls along with four other states – Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Punjab – next month. next. Voting in the northeastern state will take place in two phases, on February 27 and March 4. The state has a population of nearly […]]]>

Plagued by insurgency since gaining statehood 50 years ago, Manipur will go to the polls along with four other states – Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Punjab – next month. next. Voting in the northeastern state will take place in two phases, on February 27 and March 4.

The state has a population of nearly 28 lakh, of which 20 lakh voters live in the state capital, Imphal. Tribes make up 41% of Manipur’s population: 53% are Meitei ethnic groups followed by 24% Nagas and 16% Kuki Zo.

Manipur has 60 constituencies, split between 40 in the valley and 20 in the hills. The state has nearly equal representation of Christians and Hindus. Most of the Christian population is concentrated in the mountain region of the state.

The insurgency is the most difficult issue facing the state government, with a few incidents of pre-election violence disrupting a relatively peaceful environment in the recent past.

The killings of an army officer as well as others in Churachandpur and the killings of civilians in neighboring Nagaland will have their effect.

Manipur Political Actors

BJP: The BJP rose to prominence in Manipur from 2014. Incumbent Chief Minister N Biren Singh joined the Saffron Party after a 15-year tenure in Congress in 2016. In the 2017 elections, the BJP won 21 seats, but because of a post-election alliance. together with the NPP and the NPF, they were able to form the government. Congress faced an exodus after the BJP formed the state government, which has continued to this day.

This time, the BJP claimed that they would win more than 41 seats, and their slogan is “Hanna hanna BJP, henna henna chaokhatpa (Again and again BJP, more and more development)”. This, backed by the dual engine government theory, is something the BJP is betting on.

A former journalist, Biren Singh first joined the Congress and then joined the BJP. A good political actor, he knows the art of balance. He is the only leader who has found a balance between valley and hills through his programs.

The ‘Going to the Hills’ and ‘Going to the Villages’ programs have helped develop a good image in its effort to build a relationship between the valley and the hill region. He also worked hard during the coronavirus pandemic. Another program, called ‘CM da haisi (Tell the CM)’ has built a positive image for Biren.

During his regime, Manipur experienced a relatively peaceful environment. But his good image has also worked against him inside the party, where infighting is common.

The exodus from Congress is massive and as a result there are too many contenders for a seat. Security has been tightened for the declaration of candidates. Additionally, sources said that candidates who run will sign a cooperation agreement with the party so they can be barred from making changes.

Apart from that, Biren is betting heavily on the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, drawing heavy criticism.

Congress: Congress has governed Manipur for more than 15 years, but state unity is currently facing erosion. Many deputies and other leaders left the great olf party, which has become its hallmark in the northeastern state now.

Congress has formed an alliance with five left-wing parties, but it is still unclear what benefits they will derive from it. Although the party has declared 40 candidates, its strategy for the next elections is not yet clear.

Former Chief Minister Okram Idobi will compete from Thoubal, while former MP CM Gaikhangam will compete from Nungba constituency.

Congress doesn’t have much to project, but still hopes for a victory.

National People’s Front (NPP): The NPP is a regional party working for the rights of indigenous peoples. It has its base in Meghalaya. Conrad Sangma is the national chairman of the party and looks after the two state units.

The NPP is allied with the BJP and helped form the government in 2017. The party fielded candidates in nine constituencies in 2017 and won four. This time, however, he did not set a pre-election alliance. The NPP has already declared 20 candidates, even as sources said they would contest 40 seats.

They gave tickets to Yumnam Joy Kumar, who is the Deputy CM and an important political face in Manipur. The NPP published its manifesto on January 23, in which it promised to take the initiative to withdraw the law on the special powers of the armed forces and to examine the rights of indigenous peoples.

Nagaland People’s Front (NPF): The Nagaland People’s Front is a regional party present in Manipur and neighboring Nagaland. They too are in an alliance with the BJP, but refrained from announcing a pre-election alliance.

Awangbow Newmai is the key person in the NPF, which focuses on the Indo-Naga peace process. The Manipur Unity Speaker has announced that his party will fight for the 12th Manipur Legislative Assembly election on the board of peace and prosperity.

In 2017, the party won four seats, but this time sources said it would field candidates with more than 15 seats.

The fight: The fight is mainly between the BJP and the Congress. While NPP and NPF are also in the mix, they will face off against their government ally BJP individually.

Political analysts said that in the current situation, the BJP has an advantage over Congress. But infighting within the BJP is a major concern.

Other Manipur Election Issues

Withdrawal from AFSPA: The polls came in the wake of the Churachandpur incident on November 14, where Assam Rifles officer Colonel Viplav Tripathi was killed along with six other people and the 14 civilian killings in neighboring Nagaland.

Biren also advocated for the repeal of AFSPA to the state. Both the NPP and the NPF have said they will raise their voices for the repeal of AFSPA. Congress has also asked Biren to raise this issue with Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Violence: An 18-year-old student was shot dead and his father was shot and wounded when unidentified gunmen fired on them in Manipur’s Thoubal district, police said. The incident happened on January 26.

In another poll-related killing in Manipur, a police officer and his cousin brother were shot dead by miscreants in the western district of Imphal on January 9.

Pre-election violence has become common. Sources said that was why the polls were split into two phases.

Water shortage: Water scarcity is a major problem in Manipur, which is a drought-prone state. The water issue must be resolved. The state also needs more connectivity with the mainland. Political issues, not people issues, are at the forefront of this election. Therefore, none of the politicians touched on these issues.

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